Jun 172012
 

Michigan’s controversial emergency manager law was signed by Michigan Gov. Rick Snyder on March 16, 2011, effective the same day. It enables a governor to appoint an emergency manager to take control of local governments and school districts found insolvent by a review board. The review board is appointed by the governor, and, yes, so is the emergency manager.

The emergency manager serves at the pleasure of the governor; only the governor can fire one. The act allows an appointed EM to break labor contracts, make sweeping budget cuts, fire elected officials, and sell city assets, among other powers, without the consent of the public or the people the public elected to serve them. Why? According to the following excerpt from the law, officially called Public Act 4 of 2011:

“The legislature hereby determines that the health, safety, and welfare of the citizens of this state would be materially and adversely affected by the insolvency of local governments and that the fiscal accountability of local governments is vitally necessary to the interests of the citizens of this state to assure the provision of necessary governmental services essential to public health, safety, and welfare. The legislature further determines that it is vitally necessary to protect the credit of this state and its political subdivisions and that it is necessary for the public good and it is a valid public purpose for this state to take action and to assist a local government in a condition of financial stress or financial emergency so as to remedy the stress or emergency by requiring prudent fiscal management and efficient provision of services, permitting the restructuring of contractual obligations, and prescribing the powers and duties of state and local government officials and emergency managers. The legislature, therefore, determines that the authority and powers conferred by this act constitute a necessary program and serve a valid public purpose.”

In other words, the state believes control of selected cities, towns and school districts in financial trouble should be transferred to state-appointed managers with powers that would be unconstitutional for elected officials to use. The state decides which cities these are.

Activists across Michigan continued protesting after the signing of Public Act 4, which strengthens and broadens powers held by an “emergency financial manager” under a previous version of the law.

In fact, activists collected 228,000 signatures, more than enough, on a petition to put repeal of Public Act 4 to a vote on the November 6, 2012, Michigan statewide ballot. If the repeal stays on the ballot, the law will be suspended.

But the Michigan Board of State Canvassers challenged the petitions’ validity on grounds that the three-word headers were printed in the wrong font size: 12-point instead of the required 14-point. It was acting on a complaint from Citizens for Fiscal Responsibility, a group formed by members of the politically conservative and partisan Michigan Chamber of Commerce to oppose ballot petitions they disagree with.

To decide whether the font was the right size or not, the board of canvassers called experts to testify. In this video,  expert witness Michael Migrin, who retired after 22 years as a printer for the state, says the font size is correct and describes with some amusement his view of the partisan pettiness of challenge (don’t miss his tie):

Chris Corneal, a Michigan State University professor, also provided expert testimony finding the font size correct.

Made up of two Republicans and two Democrats, the board  split the vote. The Democrats voted to accept the petition while the Republicans voted to deny it, despite the expert testimony.

To break the tie, the question went to a three-judge Michigan Court of Appeals panel. The judges, all Republicans, acknowledged that a 30-year-old precedent that required them to accept an imperfect petition if it substantially complies with the law. Still, they asked that a panel of seven special judges consider it further, delaying the petition again. The full appeals court voted to refuse and ordered the board of canvassers to put the question on the November ballot.

It’s not difficult to imagine why all of this effort, time, and cost was exhausted around a trivial technicality, in fact, a false technicality. Desperate measures wasted taxpayer money in a partisan attempt to block a ballot measure restoring power to the citizens. Citizens for Fiscal Responsibility likely knew the conclusion but hoped to create a delay long enough to keep the proposal off the November ballot. Justice has prevailed, this time. Republicans learned valuable lesson: size doesn’t matter.

The question remains whether the case will go to the Michigan Supreme Court and, if it does, whether the court will hear it. Citizens for Fiscal Responsibility plans to appeal, according to a spokesman for the group. Hopefully, their appeal won’t be delayed by paperwork submitted in the wrong font type.

– Terry Hall

 

Jun 042012
 
The sudden, self-inflicted collapse of US Rep. Thaddeus McCotter’s reelection campaign, while unprecedented, was not unforeseen. The yawning chasm between McCotter and his constituents is legendary. I should know. I’ve spent the last 5 years documenting his legacy. (If you’d like to see for yourself, I’ve created playlists on Youtube/erox07 called McCotter & Me and McCotter & Me: Season 2.) It’s too late for him, but perhaps his successor can learn something from his folly.

I set out to set up an appointment to meet with McCotter for a few moments to discuss the limits of executive power and privilege. When that proved more difficult than one would expect, I tried to find out what upcoming events he planned to attend in hopes of catching his ear for a moment, only to discover that his office does not release that information. Next, I worked my way up the chain of command, trying to schedule a public town hall meeting with him and found that he doesn’t even accept such requests. Finally, I circulated a petition requesting he revise his policy on town hall meetings so that constituents can make a formal request for one. All together, I collected far more than the 244 signatures McCotter legitimately gathered for his own reelection effort. I know this because I still have photocopies of them. I gave him the originals. I’m no lawyer, but I know that’s how it works.

Without the aid of his staff, I was able to track him down to a Livonia chamber of commerce breakfast this past winter. The petition must have seemed alien to him because when I presented him with it, he declined to even touch the paper let alone read it. His district director, Paul Seewald stepped in to file away the document in his coat pocket. I told McCotter what the petition requested, and he asked. “What gives you the right to speak on behalf of my constituents?”

“The signatures,” I explained. “And not just from constituents, but from your supporters in the Tea Party.” 

“Oh, those people,” he snarled.

Rep. Thaddeus McCotter was fond of proclaiming his reverence for the “Sovereign Citizen” as a way of pandering to “those people.” Citizens are not sovereign. They are subject to the laws of the land. The laws are made by legislators like him and he derives his power from the will of the people. McCotter may  believe that he was the victim of a clerical error, but ultimately this was his undoing. He handled the will of the people the way Madame Currie handled radium, with similar results.These petitions were more than mere formalities; they were the source of his power and should have been handled with the utmost respect.

Whoever steps in to fill his shoes would be wise to remember this.

– Erik William Shelley.

Shelley, a constituent of McCotter’s 11th Congressional District until redistricting last year, details his past efforts to contact McCotter directly and ask him some basic but vital questions in “How John Conyers and Thaddeus McCotter inadvertently drove me into the streets,“ a piece he wrote in December 2011 for occupy-detroit.us. The piece is studded with links to videos of his efforts.

Ed: U.S. Rep. McCotter dropped his campaign to run in the Aug. 7 Republican primary as a candidate for re-election to the U.S House seat he held for 10 years. The Michigan Secretary of State’s office rejected him from the primary ballot because it found that almost all of the 1,830 signatures were fraudulently duplicated and that the dates were changed on some of them. McCotter initially said during the past week that he would run as a write-in candidate. He announced a change of mind a few days later, over the June 2-3 weekend.